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Beginning with the arrival of Estevanico in , African Texans have had a long heritage in the state and have worked alongside Americans of Mexican, European, and indigenous descent to make the state what it is today. The African-American experience and history in Texas has also been paradoxical. On the one hand, people of African descent have worked with others to build the state's unique cultural heritage, making extraordinary contributions to its music, literature, and artistic traditions.

But on the other hand, African Americans have been subjected to slavery , racial prejudice, segregation , and exclusion from the mainstream of the state's institutions. Despite these obstacles and restrictions, their contributions to the state's development and growth have been truly remarkable. From the beginning of European settlement in Texas, people of African descent were present. Estevanico was an important member of Cabeza de Vaca's expedition because he could interpret the languages of many of the Native Americans that it encountered.

Along with other members of the expedition he was captured by Indians and enslaved for five years. After escaping, Estevanico and the surviving members of the expedition made their way to Mexico. Other pioneer Africans accompanied the Spanish into the Southwest, and some settled in the region known today as Texas. By Spanish Texas numbered thirty-four blacks and mulattoes. Some of them were free men and women. Unlike Estevanico and some of the Africans who inhabited Texas prior to settlement by Anglo-Americans, most African Americans entered the area as slaves.

The first Anglo-Americans who settled in Texas came from the southern United States and were accustomed to using enslaved Africans as an important source of labor. During the first fifteen years of Anglo-American settlement in Texas, from to the Texas Revolution of , slavery grew very slowly.

On the eve of the Revolution about 5, African Americans were enslaved in Texas 13 percent of the population. With independence from Mexico, however, Anglo-Americans made slavery an integral part of the Republic's and later the state's economic development, and the enslavement of African Americans grew rapidly. By , 13, African Americans were enslaved in Texas. By , 48, were enslaved, and by , ,—30 percent of the Texas population.

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In this "empire for slavery," according to historian Randolph Campbell, the experience of enslaved African Americans was similar to that in other parts of the American South. The records gathered by Campbell as well as the testimony of African Americans enslaved in Texas attest to the fact that enslaved African Americans in Texas had as harsh and as easy a lot as those who were enslaved in other parts of the South.

Two cases illustrate this fact. In a Canadian newspaper published the story of Lavinia Bell, a black woman who had been kidnapped at an early age and sold into slavery in Texas. She escaped from bondage and told of being forced to work naked in the cottonfields near Galveston. She also told about how after her first escape attempt, she was physically mutilated and beaten severely by her owner.

Other African Americans who were enslaved in Texas told similar stories of violence and cruelty by their owners. Hundreds sought to escape, especially to Mexico. But there were also cases such as that of Joshua Houston , who was owned by Texas patriot Sam Houston. Joshua, owned initially by Houston's second wife, became an important member of Houston's family. He was treated well, taught to read and write, and prepared well for his eventual emancipation by the Houston family.

After the Civil War Joshua became a politician in Huntsville, and, as if to underscore his loyalty to his former owners, on one occasion he offered to lend money to Sam Houston's widow when she faced financial difficulties. While the treatment of African Americans enslaved in Texas may have varied on the basis of the disposition of individual slaveowners, it was clear that white Texans in general accepted and defended slavery.

Moreover, slavery in Texas had all of the characteristics that had made it successful in other parts of the South. For instance, slaveholders dominated the state's economic and political life. The government of the Republic of Texas and, after , the state legislature passed a series of slave codes to regulate the behavior of African Americans who were enslaved and to restrict the rights of those who were free. The census counted about free African Americans in , although there may have been close to 1, Texas laws blocked the migration of free African Americans into the state. White Texans also restricted the civil liberties of white opponents of slavery in order to suppress dissent about the institution.

When rumors of a slave insurrection circulated in the state in , Texans virtually suspended civil liberties and due process. Suspected abolitionists were expelled from the state, and one was even hanged. A vigilante group in Dallas lynched three enslaved African Americans—Sam, Cato, and Patrick—who were suspected of starting a fire that burnt most of the downtown area.

Other slaves in the county were whipped. The Texas vote for secession in February hastened the end of slavery and set in motion the eventual liberation of the state's African-American population. Despite the objections of Sam Houston to joining a nation the Confederate States of America based on the enslavement of African Americans, white Texans voted three to one for secession.

In contrast to other parts of the South, where the approach of the Union Army encouraged thousands of enslaved African Americans to free themselves and run away, Texas African Americans remained enslaved until the end of the Civil War. Few were able to run away and enlist in the Union Army, as African- American men did in other parts of the South.

Nor were they recruited to serve as soldiers in the all-white regiments that Texas sent to support the war effort of the Confederacy. The Reconstruction era presented African-American Texans another challenge.

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Many had to rebuild their lives, locate lost family members, and begin to live their lives as self-sufficient, free men and women. The establishment of the Freedmen's Bureau in the state aided this transition from slavery to freedom. But given the continuing racial animosity that separated blacks and whites after the war, this was not an easy task.

The state legislature and several Texas cities passed Black Codes to restrict the rights of African Americans, to prevent them from having free access to public facilities, and to force them back to the rural areas as agricultural laborers. The use of the political and legal system to regulate African-American behavior and life was accompanied by a literal reign of terror in the state. These acts of violence by whites represented their attempts to reestablish white supremacy and to force African Americans back into their "place.

These Congressional actions to protect African-American rights ushered in the second phase of Reconstruction in the state. In this period African Americans made a substantial contribution to the transition of Texas from a slave-labor state to one based on free labor. Ten African-American delegates at the Constitutional Convention of —69 helped to write a new state constitution that protected civil rights, established the state's first public education system, and extended the franchise to all men.

Between and , forty-one African Americans served in the state legislature, and they helped to move the state toward democracy.

African-American Reconstruction leaders such as George T. Ruby and Norris Wright Cuney became important members of the Republican party and, along with other African Americans, dominated state Republican politics through the end of the nineteenth century. During the course of the Reconstruction period, many African Americans moved from the state's rural areas to cities such as Dallas, Austin, Houston, and San Antonio.

On the outskirts of these cities they established "freedmantowns," which became the distinct African-American communities that still exist today. African-American labor also contributed substantially to the economic development of these cities and helped the state to begin the transition from its near-total dependence on agriculture to industrialization. In a few thousand African-American Texans moved to Kansas seeking greater opportunities. As in other parts of the South, Reconstruction lasted only a short time in Texas.

White Democrats regained control of the state in and proceeded to reverse many of the democratic reforms instituted by black and white Republicans. Between and the gains that African Americans had made in the political arena were virtually lost. In the s, for example, more than , African Americans voted in Texas elections. But after the imposition of a poll tax in and the beginning of white primaries in , fewer than 5, African Americans voted in In addition, racial segregation was established in all facets of public and private life in Texas for African Americans.

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In Dallas, Houston, and San Antonio, public transportation and accommodations, schools, and, eventually, neighborhoods were segregated by law. African Americans in Houston and San Antonio challenged segregation on public transportation by forming their own bus and jitney companies. Dallas African Americans won a case in that overturned a residential segregation ordinance. But nothing succeeded in stemming the tide of segregation and violence that restricted the rights of African-American Texans by the early twentieth century.

One form of violence used to enforce racial exclusion was lynchings, and the victims of lynchings , which did not end until the s, were predominantly African American. Brutal and vicious acts of violence against African Americans, such as the "burning at the stake" of Jesse Washington in Waco in called the "Waco Horror" by the NAACP , happened too frequently for African Americans to live without some fear for their lives. Race riots , such as those in Houston in and Beaumont in , destroyed African-American neighborhoods. These race riots and lynchings combined with political disfranchisement and legal segregation to make African Americans less than second class citizens.

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As a result, several thousand African-American Texans moved out of the state to the North and West in the early twentieth century. Although the percentage of blacks in Texas fell to 20 percent of the population by and declined further in the twentieth century, their numbers grew to more than , in and , in Despite their second-class status, African Americans built viable and progressive communities throughout the state.

Almost immediately after Civil War, they established churches, schools, and other social organizations to serve their own needs. They established newspapers the Dallas Express , Houston Informer , and San Antonio Register , grocery stores, funeral homes, and other business establishments that served a predominant African-American clientele. In the late nineteenth century African-American farmers formed a cooperative to encourage African-American land ownership and to raise crop prices.

From to a majority of African-American Texans remained in farming, with about 20 percent owning their land while most rented farms as tenants. The Great Depression of the s hastened the trend toward urbanization. In the same period African Americans in Dallas organized a cotton-processing mill, but it failed in less than five years. These self-help and economic development efforts by African-American Texans indicate that they did not allow the oppression of white racism to deter them from striving to build successful communities.

After the Civil War, African Americans also developed their first educational institutions. Black colleges such as Bishop, Paul Quinn, and Wiley were founded by several religious denominations, primarily Baptist and Methodist organizations. African-American churches such as Boll Street African Methodist Episcopal in Dallas also started the first schools in that city for black children. The city of Houston provided schools for its African-American citizens beginning in By the city government in Dallas followed suit.

African Americans also contributed to the state's social and cultural heritage in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

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Singers such as Julius L. A couple of years ago, after a string of failed relationships, I took some time to reevaluate my whole damn life. I knew what I wanted, or at least what I was supposed to want, and I thought I was clear with my intentions when it came to dating. No matter how different the guy appeared on the surface, the results were consistently too similar for it to be a matter of happenstance. Of course I did all the self-reflective stuff — ate, prayed, loved, started seeing a therapist on a weekly basis.

I mean I was the quintessential Black Woman on her journey to self-rediscovery. Sure, I had developed some great communication skills, learned a lot about compromise and partnership, and even more about realistic partner expectations. And in being realistic about my partner expectations, I had to acknowledge that my dating pool needed a major revamp.

I had exclusively dated Black men up to that point, finding commonality in the fact that we were both Black and both American-born, but my perception of marriage and relationships had undoubtedly been shaped by my West African father and my American Baby-Boomer Uncles. I was expecting the men I was dating to mimic a culture and generation that they had no real relation to. In reality, we have just as much growing and evolving to do as our male counterparts do when it comes to relationships and long-term commitment.

Ultimately, I learned that I was. One day my therapist forced me to make a list of the things I wanted in a husband. And as we reviewed my list, one thing became clear, and that was that I had no business dating Black American men. Initially, I felt bad. Almost like I was turning my back on them if I agreed with these findings. Surely, I could mold a potential mate into the guy I wanted, right? If I wanted to make it work despite what the evidence stated, I could. The first thing I indicated on my list was that I wanted to marry a man who wanted to be married.

Various factors played into this phenomenon which has yet to be identified in any other ethnic group. Whatever we attribute this to, many Black millennial men do not consider marriage to be a personal milestone. If we applied the same philosophy to any of the other milestones acknowledged in our society, it would sound pretty absurd. We research program offerings, campus life, tuition costs, etc. In contrast, other non-American Black communities view marriage as a part of maturing and coming of age. Marriage is celebrated and seen as one of the most important cultural traditions, not just for little girls, but for little boys as well.

Those boys grow up to desire marriage for themselves, without guilt from potential mates and without coaxing from external influences.